Developing countries and the international trading system:
The experience of the UR had made developing countries more wary of engaging in another Round of MTNs. Their fears were enhanced by attempts of the developed countries to include environmental and labour standards in the agreements as well as investment, government procurement, competition policy and trade facilitation into the agenda. Developing countries either feared that standards such as labour and environment standards may be used to protect industries in the developed countries, or the issues were not very germane to their trading concerns. What are the main trading concerns of developing countries?
A major problem developing countries face is the decliningprices ofprimary commodities as well as fluctuations in their prices. A second problem is the barriers to trade that they face in commodities of interest to them, a third is standards that are being imposed, and fourth is the cost of compliance with the various provisions of the WTO agreements. The international policy making community has tried to avoid the issue of commodity prices. For long it was denied that there was a tendency for the terms of trade of primary commodities to worsen; when it has now become obvious that such a tendency exists, and has been responsible for the substantial decline in export earnings and growth in Sub Saharan Afiican (SSA) countries, the problem is ignored. For instance, one has only to compare the importance given to the problems caused by capital flows to Mexico or Brazil or Russia or the East Asian economies; merely a handful of economies, compared to the neglect of the primary commodities; question that affects almost a hundred countries, and is of the utmost importance for the 49 least developed countries for whom manufactures are only a third of their export earnings. The cumulative loss from decline in their terms of trade during the period since 1975 has been 117 percent of GDP and almost cancels the 180 percent that they received in aid. The structure of the GATT/WTO may make it difficult to tackle the problem of commodity prices. Also it is not clear that commodity agreements can solve the problem. However, the problem of commodity prices is aggravated by the policies adopted by the developed countries.
At the same time developed countries continue to protect their agriculture by very high rates of duties and by providing very high subsidies to their producers. These policies insulate their own domestic markets and so force the international markets to bear all the burden of adjustment aggravating instability there. Also, as is well documented, subsidised exports by the developed countries hurt farmers in developing countries. So reform of agricultural trade is very important for developing countries.
It was argued by some that developing countries had not benefited much from the liberal trading order established at the end of the Second World War as they had not engaged in the give and take of negotiations. Once they participated in these negotiations they could expect larger gains. But the experience since the beginning of the negotiations for establishing the agenda for the UR does not support this agreement.
The limited capacity of the developing countries that limits their ability to engage in extensive negotiations makes it extremely expensive to make all the changes in laws required by the agreements and to meet the sanitary and phyto-sanitary standards. Firstly, they have little say in the establishment of these so-called international standards. Secondly, there is often little basis for these standards so that these act as nothing but bamers to imports. For instance, Mauritania could not export cheese made from camel's milk to the EU because EU regulations just refused to recognise that cheeses could be made from camel's milk. In another case cut flowers exported by Kenya to Germany were re-exported to the US. The US initiated an anti-dumping case against Kenya rather than Germany. It just wasn't worth it for Kenya to fight the case.
Till the UR developing counties may not have got many positive benefits fiom the GATT agreements. But they were able to convince the contracting parties of their special needs, and were allowed to adopt policies they thought were conducive to their development, and get some limited benefit fiom schemes such as the GSP. The UR experience was a chastening experience. The agenda and the end results were largely fashioned by the developed countries. Their experience with the implementation of the UR agreements was unsatisfactory.
Uptill now in the Dop Round, they have been successful in preventing inclu- sion into the agenda of items inimical to their interests. It is an open question whether they will be able to achieve positive benefits. Since most developing counties have liberalised, a more open trading system is in their interest, and they need to pursue liberalisation more vigorously.
A solution that is often proposed in India is that India should walk out of the WTO. We do not believe that would be a wise decision. As long as India participates in world trade this trade would be governed by some rules. Even though the rules of the WTO may be skewed against developing countries, they are better than the rules a particular country would be able to negotiate with powerful countries on its own. For instance, as long as China was not a member of the WTO it had to go through annual pressure from the US before its MFN status was renewed. The rule of law does protect the weak against arbitrary action by a powerfill country. The solution, which is not easy, is developing counties must have a better analysis of their interest and adopt better negotiating strategies that take account of their long term interests and not look merely at short term gains. Developing counties have to learn to think strategically.