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Case Study: "GENDER EQUALITY AND VIOLENT BEHAVIOR Over the last two decades, two important perspectives have developed to explain the relationship between gender equality and men and women's violence. Researchers using the ameliorative perspective have argued that men living in gender-equalitarian societies display less violent and criminal behavior than those living in gender-inegalitarian societies (Haynie & Armstrong, 2006; Pratt & Godsey, 2003). This is a function of patriarchal belief systems in which masculinity is a product of gender inequality and is associated with male toughness and aggression (Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; Messerschmidt, 1993; Schrock & Schwalbe, 2009). Because hegemonic masculinity justifies male dominance (Connell, 1995), violence becomes a means for men to perform masculinity and establish identity. In neighborhoods characterized by gender inequality, gendered lines of power are drawn more starkly, highlighting the societal power differences between men and women and encouraging more traditional expressions of masculinity. Traditional masculinity is characterized particularly by toughness because it is through toughness norms and violence that men demonstrate their "realness" (Titterington, 2006). Therefore, in contrast to those in gender-egalitarian neighborhoods, boys in gender-inegalitarian neighborhoods are more likely to employ violent behavior as a means of showing others that they are strong, powerful, and "real" men. Although this perspective offers insight for understanding one way in which gender equality may impact violence, questions persist. For instance, although gender inequality may alter expressions of masculinity, some studies indicate that men maintain hegemonic masculinity and power through violence even when residing in gender egalitarian societies (DeWees & Parker, 2003; Martin et al., 2006; Whaley & Messner, 2002). However, it is unclear how these processes may operate at more localized levels because no study has been conducted testing the ameliorative perspective using neighborhood level measurements. Thus, how neighborhood-level gender equality affects male violence and, subsequently, the gender gap in violence is unclear. In contrast to the ameliorative perspective that is primarily concerned with the behavior of men, researchers using the liberation perspective have proposed that national shifts to a more gender-egalitarian gender ideology have fostered an increase in women's violence (Adler, 1975; Hagan et al., 1985; Hunnicutt & Broidy, 2004). This perspective takes a decidedly dark view of women's liberation in modern societies and argues that as women leave traditional roles of caretaking to pursue careers in male-dominated settings, they must develop male traits of aggression and violence to compete with men (Steffensmeier & Allan, 1996). According to this viewpoint, gender equality also alters the way in which young girls are raised. Girls living in gender-egalitarian neighborhoods are socialized in a manner similar to boys and are encouraged to adopt similar roles. They receive, for example, greater freedom and more generous curfews than their counterparts living in neighborhoods where more traditional gender norms prevail (Belknap, 2007; Chesney-Lind, 1989; Hagan et al., 1985; Jacob, 2006). Thus, girls raised in gender-egalitarian neighborhoods develop gender ideologies that encourage them to behave in ways that have been traditionally reserved for boys, including violence. In contrast to this pessimistic interpretation of female liberation, some scholars have argued that women display low levels of violence regardless of the gender norms dominant in their area of residence (Morash & Chesney-Lind, 1991). In support of this view, no evidence has been found suggesting that girls who live in gender-equalitarian social settings adopt more masculine traits than those who do not (Irwin & Chesney-Lind, 2008). Several recent studies have focused on the question of whether the gender gap in crime and violence has changed over time. This research has found that arrest rates have increased over time, whereas self-report data indicates that women's violence has not really changed. This suggests that the evidence for women's increasing violence is artifactual, resulting from recent changes in enforcement policies (Chesney-Lind, 2002). This supports the idea that women engage in low levels of violence even when gender role ideologies become more egalitarian."

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Reference no: EM133454044

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