Reference no: EM133587887

Assignment:

To avoid interference from Lieutenant-Governor Dunmore and his Royal Marines, the Second Virginia Convention met March 20, 1775 inland at Richmond--in what is now called St. John's Church--instead of the Capitol in Williamsburg. Delegate Patrick Henry presented resolutions to raise a militia, and to put Virginia in a posture of defense. Henry's opponents urged caution and patience until the crown replied to Congress' latest petition for reconciliation.

On the 23rd, Henry presented a proposal to organize a volunteer company of cavalry or infantry in every Virginia county. By custom, Henry addressed himself to the Convention's president, Peyton Randolph of Williamsburg. Henry's words were not transcribed, but no one who heard them forgot their eloquence, or Henry's closing words: "Give me liberty, or give me death!" Henry's first biographer, William Wirt of Maryland, was three-years-old in 1775. An assistant federal prosecutor in Aaron Burr's trial for treason at Richmond in 1807, and later attorney general of the United States, Wirt began to collect materials for the biography in 1808, nine years after Henry's death. From the recollections of men like Thomas Jefferson, Wirt reconstructed an account of Henry's life, including the remarks presented below.

St. John's Church, Richmond, Virginia March 23, 1775.

MR. PRESIDENT: No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do, opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely, and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfil the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offence, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the majesty of heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know whatthere has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopeswith which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves, and the House? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove asnare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how thisgracious reception of our petition comports with these war-like preparations which cover ourwaters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love andreconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled, that force must becalled in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements ofwar and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort.

I ask, gentlemen, sir, whatmeans this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assignany other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to callfor all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us;they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains whichthe British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall wetry argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offerupon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; butit has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall wefind which have not been already exhausted?

Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves.Sir, we have done everything that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on.We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselvesbefore the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of theministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have producedadditional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have beenspurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne.

In vain, after these things, may we indulgethe fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish tobe free2 if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have beenso long contending2if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we havebeen so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until theglorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! Anappeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But whenshall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totallydisarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house?

Shall we gather strengthby irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lyingsupinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall havebound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means whichthe God of nature hath placed in our power. Threemillions of people, armed in the holy causeof liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force whichour enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is ajust God who presides over the destinies of nations; and who will raise up friends to fight ourbattles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave.Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retirefrom the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Theirclanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable2and let it come! I repeat it,sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace2but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

Questions:

1. To what two choices facing the colonists does Patrick Henry refer in his opening lines? How does he defend his need to speak about them?

2. Why does Henry feel that he must speak freely? Why, do you think, does he give so many reasons to support his need to speak out?

3. What does Henry say to the argument that the colonists are no match for the British Military? What does he imply in the statement, " There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations....."?

4. What are the choices Henry recognizes for himself as he concludes his speech? How might these words summarize his position?

5. Which emotions come through in the speech? In your opinion, does Henry's passion add to his effectiveness? Explain.

6. What choices for the colonists does Henry outline? In your opinion, does he include all of the possible choices in his fiery speech? Explain.

7. To what situation does Henry compare the injustices suffered by the colonists? In your opinion, is this comparison justified? Explain.

8. What, in your opinion, is the purpose of Henry's speech? What is he trying to accomplish?

9. Henry uses two techniques extensively, rhetorical questions and literary illusions. Choose one example of each technique and explain how it furthers the speaker's purpose?