Reference no: EM133249501

Parental Divorce and Externalizing Problem Behavior in Adulthood. A Study on Lasting Individual, Family and Peer Risk Factors for Externalizing Problem Behavior when Experiencing a Parental Divorce

ABSTRACT This study explored the relationship between experiencing a parental divorce in childhood and externalizing problem behavior (EPB) in adulthood. We examined individual, family, and peer influences for those growing up in a broken home. Our findings indicate that growing up in a broken home has enduring consequences for EPB. However, factors influencing EPB in adulthood did not differ according to family structure. Regarding changes in EPB in adulthood, having more deviant friends was more hazardous for those growing up in a broken home, while parental rejection and low self-control were more hazardous for those from an intact family.

INTRODUCTION: A parental divorce can undermine children's wellbeing and development, with consequences lasting far into adulthood (Amato 2000; Hetherington and Stanley-Hagan 1999; Spruijt and Duindam 2005; Theobald, Farrington, and Piquero 2013; Van der Valk et al. 2005; Wallerstein and Lewis 2004). One negative outcome of a parental divorce is a higher likelihood that offspring will "act out", that is, show externalizing problem behavior (EPB) (Blum et al. 2000; Neumann et al. 2010). EPB is outward-oriented behavior that reflects maladjustment and an inability to engage constructively in society (Buehler et al. 1997), and which often produces distress in others (Gerard and Buehler 1999). Nowadays, a rising number of children grow up in unstable family homes (OECD 2011). This is also the case in the Netherlands, were some 20 percent of children under age 16 have divorced parents (Statistics Netherlands 2017). Considering that children who experienced a parental divorce are more at risk of developing EPB, it is relevant to seek insight into factors that might reduce problematic behaviors, particularly in these more vulnerable divorced family homes. A strong correlation has been found between parental divorce and youth EPB, but research is inconclusive on the long-term effects of divorce (Amato 2010). Some studies suggest that parental divorce continues to affect offspring development into adulthood (Cherlin, Lindsay Chase-Lansdale, and McRae 1998; Theobald, Farrington, and Piquero 2013; Wallerstein and Lewis 2004). Others show the effects of divorce as mainly short term (e.g., Amato 2000; Amato and Anthony 2014). The current study seeks to expand knowledge in this field by exploring the long-term relationship between experiencing a parental divorce in childhood and EPB in later life in the Netherlands. Ample theory and research, however, has also focused on antecedents of EPB other than a parental divorce (e.g. Farrington 2005; Rhee and Waldman 2002; Ribeaud and Eisner 2010). The problem behavior theory (J. Jessor and S. L. Jessor 1977) and the multiple risk model (Van der Ploeg CONTACT Natascha Notten [email protected] Department of Sociology, Radboud University, P.O.Box 9104, Nijmegen 6500 HE, the Netherlands This article has been republished with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article. © 2018 The Author(s). Published with license by Taylor & Francis Group This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License (https:// creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. DEVIANT BEHAVIOR 2020, VOL. 41, NO. 1, 1-16 https://doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2018.1519131 and Scholte 2003) suggest that beyond one's own behavior and personality traits (such as selfcontrol), family characteristics (like parental rejection and family socioeconomic status) and peer influence are important. Exploring the influence of these three dominant dimensions - individual, family, and peers - on EPB simultaneously, in addition to the experience of a parental divorce, expands on previous research by bringing out the particular consequences of growing up in a broken home (Theobald, Farrington, and Piquero 2013). Moreover, we elaborate on this by examining how these influences differ between those who grew up with divorced parents and those in an intact family. As such we aim to find out what make some children growing up with divorced parents more susceptible to EPB. At last, we intent to contribute to the field, since relatively little research has looked at who is most likely to be affected by a parental divorce, in terms of a higher chance of EPB in later life, into adulthood. If this is the case, insights on interventions can be sought to better protect those who experienced a parental divorce in their youth. Our research questions read as follows: To what extent does experiencing a parental divorce in youth lead to EPB in adulthood? To what extent are individual, family, and peer-related antecedents of EPB in adulthood moderated by having experienced a parental divorce in youth? Hence, this research seeks new and challenging insights regarding EPB in later life. We are particularly interested in the relation between experiencing a parental divorce at a young age and EPB later on, in adulthood. We applied two methodological approaches. First, we retrospectively investigated the effect of a parental divorce on EPB by applying the ordinary least squares (OLS) method to Dutch data collected in 2014. Our data is from the CrimeNL database, which is unique in its longitudinal approach and focus on criminality in the Netherlands. Our second approach, use of lagged dependent variable (LDV) models, allowed us to look at the development of EPB over a oneyear period in adulthood, thus exploring whether experiencing a parental divorce in childhood remained equally influential in later life, for those in the Netherlands.

Theoretical framework Parental divorce and externalizing problem behavior Children who experience a fundamental transition in their living arrangements have been found to experience lower levels of wellbeing thereafter (Brown 2006). One such transition is a parental divorce. Children with divorced parents also tend to experience lower levels of wellbeing overall than children in an intact family (Amato and Keith 1991). In line with these findings, studies have shown that children growing up in a broken home (in this study a home with divorced parents) are more likely to develop EPB (Amato and Anthony 2014; Blum et al. 2000; Furstenberg and Teitler 1994; Neumann et al. 2010; Thijs et al. 2015; Thomson, Hanson, and McLanahan 1994; Van de Rakt 2011). Hence, a parental divorce seems clearly disadvantageous for children's healthy development. According to the divorce stress adjustment perspective (Amato 2000), two situations can occur after children or adolescents experience a disruption of the family home. These two situations are described by the crisis model and the chronic strain model. According to the crisis model, a parental divorce temporarily disturbs life, but does not have an enduring effect. Most children adjust well over time, with negative consequences being concentrated in the first two years after the divorce. Thereafter, everyday life routines recommence (Amato 2000). Luckily this is the case for plenty of children who experience such a disruption in their family life (Amato and Anthony 2014; Morrison and Cherlin 1995). Nonetheless, many children experience negative consequences of a parental divorce for a more extended period (Cherlin, Lindsay Chase-Lansdale, and McRae 1998), which is in line with the chronic strain model. Studies have found that the effects of growing up in a broken home, such as a higher chance of 2 S. SILLEKENS AND N. NOTTEN forming risky habits, can extend far into adulthood (Hetherington and Stanley-Hagan 1999; Spruijt and Duindam 2005; Van der Valk et al. 2005; Wallerstein and Lewis 2004). Based on the chronic strain model, we assume: H1: There is a positive relation between experiencing a parental divorce in youth and EPB in adulthood.

The moderating effect of a parental divorce Since both the crisis model and the chronic strain model can occur after the experience of a parental divorce, this indicates that not all who experience a parental divorce in their youth will exhibit EPB in later life. Whether children who experienced a parental divorce do exhibit EPB later has been found to depend on personal and social factors (Amato 2010; Theobald, Farrington, and Piquero 2013). Prior research suggests three dominant determinants of EPB. Next to individual characteristics, the social environment, specifically parents and peers, is highly influential when it comes to such problem behavior. Our research therefore particularly addresses the moderating effect of experiencing a parental divorce in youth on the relationship between these three dimensions and EPB. 

Family dimension Children in families with low socioeconomic status (SES) are found to be particularly at risk of developing EPB (Bjerk 2006; Duncan, Brooks-Gunn and Klebanov 1994; Yoshikawa 1994). A family SES generally is represented by thefollowing highly correlated indicators: parental income, parental occupation and parental education (Duncan, Featherman, and Duncan 1972; Hoff, Laursen, and Tardif 2002; Sirin 2005). For different reasons, parental education is considered to be a stable aspect of a family SES, and a proper indication of the social, economic, and cognitive resources of families in modern societies (Krieger, Williams, and Moss 1997; Mandemarkers and Kalmijn 2014; Mueller and Parcel 1981). Moreover, parental education is a common indicator of parental SES in prior research on deviant behavior (see e.g., Osgood et al. 1996; Wright et al. 1999). We are interested in whether the influence of parental SES on EPB differs between those who experienced a parental divorce and those who did not. Research found that high SES parents are better able to cope with disruption of the family and to protect their children from potential negative consequences (Walper, Thönnissen, and Alt 2015) For instance, higher educated mothers are found more competent to provide a safe and stable environment for their offspring after a divorce than those with less years of education. Also, higher educated mothers are better negotiators and therewith retrieve more child support and alimony (Mandemakers and Kalmijn 2014; Seltzer 1991). This is important, since in a broken home economic strain accounts for part of the disadvantages the children experience (Thomson, Hanson, and McLanahan 1994). Compared to lower educated mothers, higher educated mothers have better opportunities on the labour market, and they are more aware of the possible risks of a divorce, also for the upbringing of their children, due to their higher level of literacy (Kalmijn 1999; Seltzer 1991, 1998; Van de Werfhorst and Kraaykamp 2001). As such, the risk of growing up in a divorced home might be mitigated if sufficient parental socioeconomic resources are available (Garriga and Härkönen 2009; Mandemakers and Kalmijn 2014; Theobald, Farrington, and Piquero 2013).

1. Social disorganization theory: Suggests that crime occurs in communities that experience breakdown in social mores and opportunities, such as in highly populated, lower income, urban communities.

2. Strain Theory: The theory holds that individuals will turn to a life of crime when they are strained, or when they are unable to achieve the goals of the society, whether power, finance, or some other desirable goal.

3. Should these theories be accepted or rejected when creating crime control policies? Why?

4. What are your concluding thoughts overall?